Operation Condor Inhaltsverzeichnis
Unter dem Codenamen Operation Condor (spanisch Operación Cóndor) operierten in den er- und er-Jahren die Geheimdienste von sechs. Unter dem Codenamen Operation Condor operierten in den er- und er-Jahren die Geheimdienste von sechs südamerikanischen Ländern – Argentinien, Chile, Paraguay, Uruguay, Bolivien und Brasilien – mit. Die Spur der»Operation Condor«. Lebenslange Haft für 24 Militärs wegen Ermordung Oppositioneller in Lateinamerika. Von Martin Ling; An der Operation, welche die Unterstützung der CIA genoss, waren die Militärregime in Argentinien, Bolivien, Brasilien, Chile, Paraguay und. Argentinien war Zentrale von Staatsterror „Operation Condor“. Adveniat Argentinien Buenos Aires Stadtansicht. In Buenos Aires war die.
Erstmals haben Richter damit die "Operation Condor" als grenzüberschreitendes Verbrechen anerkannt. Von Anne Herrberg. 20 Jahre Haft für. An der Operation, welche die Unterstützung der CIA genoss, waren die Militärregime in Argentinien, Bolivien, Brasilien, Chile, Paraguay und. Übersetzung im Kontext von „Operation Condor“ in Englisch-Deutsch von Reverso Context: The vast majority of these disappearances occurred in Argentina as.
Operation Condor Was wusste Henry Kissinger?Dort standen seit zwei Dutzend Angeklagte, darunter 14 uruguayische Militärs, vor Gericht. Werner Marti Südamerika ist besser als sein Ruf Der südamerikanische Halbkontinent macht in den Medien vor allem negative Schlagzeilen. Systematisch haben this web page südamerikanischen Militärregime Oppositionelle verfolgt und https://poloniafalcons.se/alte-filme-stream/101-dalmatiner-1996-german-stream.php. Menü Startseite. Überblick über die tagesschau. Horacio Verbitsky ist Vorsitzender des Https://poloniafalcons.se/hd-filme-stream-kostenlos/tietjen-talkt-heute.php für soziale und legale Studien und trat gemeinsam mit Menschenrechtsgruppen als Kläger auf:. Formel 1.
Operation Condor NavigationsmenüUS-Dokumente halfen entscheidend bei Aufklärung. Delle Chiaie traf sich in Madrid mit Pinochet bei der Begräbnisfeier Francisco Francos, was den Ausgangspunkt für seine Tätigkeit für das chilenische Regime und die Operation Condor darstellen sollte. Es click the following article eine kriminelle Vereinigung, um Verbrechen zu begehen. Ihre Eltern wurden während der argentinischen Militärdiktatur entführt und in das geheime Folterzentrum "Autowerkstatt Orletti" in Source Aires gebracht. Neueste Artikel. Klima und Umwelt. Ein perfides Bollwerk gegen linke Strömungen, das in Washington in Zeiten des Kalten Krieges https://poloniafalcons.se/serien-stream-to-legal/jerks-folge-5.php zumindest gebilligt wurde.
Chilean appeals court judge Nibaldo Segura refused extradition in July on the grounds that they had already been prosecuted in Chile.
On 5 March , twenty-five former high-ranking military officers from Argentina and Uruguay went on trial in Buenos Aires, charged with conspiracy to "kidnap, disappear, torture and kill" political opponents during the s and s.
Prosecutors are basing their case in part on U. On 27 May , fifteen ex-military officials were found guilty.
Reynaldo Bignone received a sentence of 20 years in jail. Fourteen of the remaining 16 defendants got eight to 25 years. Two were found not guilty.
It is also the first time that former members of Condor have been sentenced for forming part of this criminal organisation. President Fernando Henrique Cardoso ordered the release of some military files concerning Operation Condor in According to the official statement, the Italian government "could not confirm nor deny that Argentine, Brazilian, Paraguayan and Chilean militaries [military officers] will be submitted to a trial.
The Condor Operation expanded its clandestine repression from Uruguay to Brazil in November , in an event later known as "o Sequestro dos Uruguaios," or "the Kidnapping of the Uruguayans.
There they kidnapped Universindo Rodriguez and Lilian Celiberti, an activist Uruguayan couple of the political opposition, along with her two children, Camilo and Francesca, five and three years old.
Universindo Rodriguez and the children had already been clandestinely taken to Uruguay. When their identities were made clear, the journalists had exposed the secret operation by their presence.
It was suspended. The exposure of the operation is believed to have prevented the murder of the couple and their two young children, as the news of the political kidnapping of Uruguayan nationals in Brazil made headlines in the Brazilian press.
It became an international scandal. The military governments of both Brazil and Uruguay were embarrassed.
A few days later, officials arranged for the Celiberti's children to be taken to their maternal grandparents in Montevideo.
After Rodriguez and Celiberti were imprisoned and tortured in Brazil, they were taken to military prisons in Uruguay, and detained for the next five years.
When democracy was restored in Uruguay in , the couple was released. They confirmed all the published details of their kidnapping. In , Brazilian courts convicted two inspectors of DOPS Department of Political and Social Order, an official police branch in charge of the political repression during the military regime for having arrested the journalists in Lilian's apartment in Porto Alegre.
The reporters and the Uruguayans had identified them as taking part in the kidnapping. This event confirmed the direct involvement of the Brazilian government in the Condor Operation.
The democratic government of President Luis Alberto Lacalle in Uruguay was inspired to do the same a year later. Police officer Pedro Seelig, the head of the DOPS at the time of the kidnapping, was identified by the Uruguayan couple as the man in charge of the operation in Porto Alegre.
The Brazilian policeman was acquitted for lack of evidence. Lilian and Universindo's later testimony revealed that four officers of the secret Uruguayan Counter-information Division;— two majors and two captains;— took part in the operation with the consent of Brazilian authorities.
The Law of Immunity, passed in , provided amnesty to Uruguayan citizens who had committed acts of political repression and human rights abuses under the dictatorship.
The Esso Prize, regarded as the most important prize of the Brazilian press, was awarded to Cunha and Scalco for their investigative journalism of the case.
In , he said to the Brazilian press:. All the Uruguayans kidnapped abroad, around people, are missing to this day.
The only ones who managed to survive are Lilian, her children, and Universindo. He died of an alleged heart attack in his sleep in Mercedes , Argentina, on 6 December Because an autopsy was never performed, the true cause of his death remains unknown.
He asked for investigations to be opened into their deaths. On 27 January , the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo printed a story with a statement from Mario Neira Barreiro, a former intelligence service member under Uruguay's dictatorship.
Barreiro said that Goulart was poisoned, confirming Brizola's allegations. In March , the magazine CartaCapital published previously unreleased documents of the National Information Service created by an undercover agent who was present at Jango's properties in Uruguay.
This revelation reinforces the theory that the former president was poisoned. The Goulart family has not yet identified who could be the "B Agent," as he is referred to in the documents.
The agent acted as a close friend to Jango, and described in detail an argument during the former president's 56th birthday party with his son because of a fight between two employees.
Later, CartaCapital published an interview with Jango's widow, Maria Teresa Fontela Goulart , revealing documents from the Uruguayan government detailing her complaints that her family had been monitored.
The Uruguayan government was monitoring Jango's travel, his business, and his political activities. These files were from , a year after the coup in Brazil, and suggest that he could have been deliberately attacked.
One of the lawyers seeking his extradition said there had been an attempt to assassinate Carlos Altamirano , leader of the Chilean Socialist Party.
He said that Pinochet met Italian neofascist terrorist Stefano Delle Chiaie during Franco 's funeral in Madrid in and arranged to have Altamirano murdered.
In November the Chilean government acknowledged that Pablo Neruda might have been murdered by members of Pinochet's regime. Bernardo Leighton and his wife were severely injured by a failed assassination attempt on Oct.
The pistol attack left Bernardo Leighton seriously injured and his wife, Anita Fresno permanently disabled. Davies , declared that the declassified documents established the responsibility of Pinochet government in carrying out the assassination of Bernardo Leighton, as well as Orlando Letelier and General Carlos Prats.
In December , Francisco Letelier, the son of Orlando Letelier, wrote in an OpEd column in the Los Angeles Times that his father's assassination was part of Operation Condor, which he described as "an intelligence-sharing network used by six South American dictators of that era to eliminate dissidents.
Michael Townley has accused Pinochet of being responsible for Letelier's death. Townley confessed that he had hired five anti-Castro Cuban exiles to booby-trap Letelier's car.
It started about a year before the "terror archives" were found in Paraguay. According to the Rettig Report , Jecar Neghme's death had been carried out by Chilean intelligence agents.
He used Argentinian, Uruguayan, Paraguayan and Brazilian passports, raising concerns that Operation Condor was not dead. His body had been so mutilated to make identification by appearance impossible.
In January , Michael Townley, who now lives in the U. The toxin that allegedly killed Christian-Democrat Eduardo Frei Montalva may have been made in this new lab in Colonia Dignidad, according to the judge investigating the case.
He revealed that Uruguayan military officials threatened to assassinate U. Based on learning that the men were drinking at the time, he recommended that the Agency take no action.
Interviewed in the early 21st century by Dinges, Koch said that George H. Bush , then CIA director, informed him in October that "his sponsorship of legislation to cut off U.
The State Department forced the Uruguayan government to withdraw their appointments, with the public explanation that "Fons and Gavazzo could be the objects of unpleasant publicity.
The United States backed Alfredo Stroessner's anti-communist military dictatorship  and played a "critical supporting role" in the domestic affairs of Stoessner's Paraguay.
Army officer Lieutenant Colonel Robert Thierry was sent to help local workmen build a detention and interrogation center named "La Technica" as part of Operation Condor.
In a report to Kissinger, Harry Shlaudeman described Paraguay's militaristic state as a "nineteenth-century military regime that looks good on the cartoon page.
Although the United States viewed conflict from a global and ideological perspective, many decolonized nations defined national security threats in terms of neighboring nations and longstanding ethnic or regional feuds.
Shlaudeman notes the incredible resilience that Paraguay showed against the superior military might of its neighbors during the Chaco War.
From the perspective of the government in Paraguay, the victory against its neighbors over the course of several decades justified the lack of development in the nation.
The report further states that the political traditions in Paraguay were anything but democratic.
Like many other nations that won independence in the Cold War, democracy was a foreign concept. This reality, combined with a fear of leftist dissent in neighboring nations, led the government to focus on the containment of political opposition instead of on the development of its economic and political institutions.
An ideological fear of its neighbors compelled them to protect its sovereignty. Therefore, the fight against radical, leftist movements within and without the country motivated many policymakers to act in the interest of security.
He also stated that there is declassified documentation of the CIA and cable information disseminated by WikiLeaks , which account for the links of the Morales Bermudez government with Operation Condor.
Cases of repression in the country against German, Spanish, Peruvian, and Jewish people were also reported.
According to reports in , resulting from trials of top officials in Argentina, Operation Condor was at its peak in when Chilean exiles in Argentina were threatened; many went underground or into exile again in other countries.
Cuban diplomats were assassinated in Buenos Aires in the Automotores Orletti torture center, one of the clandestine prisons of the dictatorship.
Automotores Orletti was the main base of foreign intelligence services involved in Operation Condor. The year-old daughter-in-law of poet Juan Gelman was tortured here along with her husband, before being transported to a Montevideo prison.
There she delivered a baby which was immediately stolen by Uruguayan military officers and placed for illegal adoption with friends of the regime.
They were interrogated by a man who had travelled from Miami to interrogate them. These were the car models used by the security forces during the dictatorship.
They had travelled from Chile to Argentina on 11 August and "cooperated in the torture and assassination of the two Cuban diplomats.
Operation Condor also had the covert support of the US government. Washington provided Condor with military intelligence and training, financial assistance, advanced computers, sophisticated tracking technology, and access to the continental telecommunications system housed in the Panama Canal Zone.
The United States documentation shows that the United States provided key organizational, financial and technical assistance to the operation into the s.
In a United States Department of State briefing for Henry Kissinger, then the Secretary of State, dated August 3, written by Harry Shlaudeman and entitled the "Third World War and South America," the long-term dangers of a right-wing bloc and their initial policy recommendations were considered.
It stated that the operation was an effort of six countries in the southern cone of Latin America Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay to win the "Third-World-War" by wiping out "subversion" through transnational secret intelligence activities, kidnapping, torture, disappearance and assassination.
The report opens by considering the cohesiveness felt by the six nations of the Southern Cone. It was the assumption of the Shlaudeman's briefing that the countries in the Southern Cone perceived themselves as "the last bastion of Christian civilization" and thus they consider the efforts against communism as justified as the "Israeli actions against Palestinians terrorist".
Shlaudeman warns Kissinger that in the long term the "Third World War" would put those six countries in an ambiguous position because they are trapped on either side by "international Marxism and its terrorist exponents," and on the other by "the hostility of uncomprehending industrial democracies misled by the Marxist propaganda.
Based on CIA documents stated that from to the early s, the plans were developed among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies to deal with political dissidents in South America.
A declassified CIA document dated 23 June , explains that "in early , security officials from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia met in Buenos Aires to prepare coordinated actions against subversive targets.
Additionally, as of a September , the Defense Intelligence Agency reported that US intelligence services were quite aware of the infrastructure and goals of Operation Condor.
They realized that "Operation Condor" was the code name given for intelligence collection on "leftists", Communists, Peronists or Marxists in the Southern Cone Area.
The intelligence services were aware that it was security cooperation among several South American countries' intelligence services such as Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Bolivia with Chile as the epicenter of the operation.
The DIA noted that Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile were already fervently conducting operations, mainly in Argentina, against leftist targets.
The report also noted that a large volume of U. The third point of the report demonstrates the United States' understanding of Operation Condor's more nefarious operations.
The report notes, "the formation of special teams from member countries who are to carry out operations to include assassinations against terrorist or supporters of terrorist organizations.
The Paraguayan Archives include official requests to track suspects to and from the U. The CIA provided lists of suspects and other intelligence information to the military states.
In a February telecom from the embassy in Buenos Aires to the State Department, intelligence noted the United States possessed awareness of the coming Argentinian coup.
The ambassador wrote that the Chief of the North American desk of the Foreign Ministry revealed that he had been asked by the "Military Planning Group" to prepare a report and recommendations for how the "future military government can avoid or minimize the sort of problems the Chilean and Uruguayan governments are having with the US over human rights issue.
This being true, the ambassador explains the military coup will "intend to carry forward an all-out war on the terrorists and that some executions would therefore probably be necessary.
The last comment confirms this: "It is encouraging to note that the Argentine military are aware of the problem and are already focusing on ways to avoid letting human rights issues become an irritant in US-Argentine Relations.
Regarding the ongoing human rights abuses by the Argentine junta, professor Ruth Blakeley writes that Kissinger "explicitly expressed his support for the repression of political opponents.
Look, our basic attitude is that we would like you to succeed. I have an old-fashioned view that friends ought to be supported.
What is not understood in the United States is that you have a civil war. We read about human rights problems but not the context.
The quicker you succeed the better The human rights problem is a growing one. Your Ambassador can apprise you.
We want a stable situation. We won't cause you unnecessary difficulties. If you can finish before Congress gets back, the better.
Whatever freedoms you could restore would help. Ultimately, the demarche was never delivered.
Kornbluh and Dinges suggest that the decision not to send Kissinger's order was due to Assistant Secretary Harry Shlaudeman's sending a cable to his deputy in D.
C which states "you can simply instruct the Ambassadors to take no further action, noting that there have been no reports in some weeks indicating an intention to activate the Condor scheme.
Ambassador to Paraguay Robert] White, instructions from a secretary of state cannot be ignored unless there is a countermanding order received via a secret CIA backchannel.
Patricia M. Derian , the Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs from to , said of Kissinger's role in giving the green light to the junta's repression: "It sickened me that with an imperial wave of his hand, an American could sentence people to death.
In June , by order of President Bill Clinton , the State Department released thousands of declassified documents  revealing for the first time that the CIA and the State and Defense Departments were intimately aware of Condor.
The same report described Condor's "joint counterinsurgency operations" that aimed to "eliminate Marxist terrorist activities"; Argentina, it noted, created a special Condor team "structured much like a U.
Special Forces Team. The declassified record shows that Secretary of State Henry Kissinger was briefed on Condor and its "murder operations" on August 5, , in a page report from [Harry] Shlaudeman [Assistant Secretary of State].
It cannot do us any good. Over the course of three weeks, they drafted a cautiously worded demarche , approved by Kissinger, in which he instructed the U.
He instructed them to express "our deep concern" about "rumors" of "plans for the assassination of subversives, politicians and prominent figures both within the national borders of certain Southern Cone countries and abroad.
Kornbluh and Dinges conclude that "The paper trail is clear: the State Department and the CIA had enough intelligence to take concrete steps to thwart the Condor assassination planning.
Those steps were initiated but never implemented. Whether if we had gone in, we might have prevented this, I don't know", he stated in reference to the Letelier-Moffitt bombing.
The document was released in November by the Clinton administration under the Chile Declassification Project. White reported a conversation with General Alejandro Fretes Davalos, chief of staff of Paraguay's armed forces, who informed him that the South American intelligence chiefs involved in Condor "[kept] in touch with one another through a U.
Davalos reportedly said that the installation was "employed to co-ordinate intelligence information among the southern cone countries".
The US feared that the connection to Condor might be publicly revealed at a time when the assassination in the U. White cabled Vance that "it would seem advisable to review this arrangement to insure that its continuation is in US interest.
Embassy contact that the CIA was privy to Condor and had played a key role in setting up computerized links among the intelligence and operations units of the six Condor states.
Henry Kissinger , Secretary of State in the Nixon and Ford administrations, was well aware of the Condor plan and was closely involved diplomatically with the Southern Cone governments, going so far as to be Jorge Videla's personal guest to the World Cup in Argentina.
Le Loire wanted to question the statesman as a witness regarding alleged U. Kissinger left Paris that evening, and Loire's inquiries were directed to the U.
State Department. His execution by the Chilean military after the coup was dramatized in the Costa-Gavras film, Missing.
The judge's questions were relayed to Kissinger via diplomatic routes but were not answered. On 16 February , a request for the extradition of Kissinger was filed at the Supreme Court of Uruguay on behalf of Bernardo Arnone, a political activist who was kidnapped, tortured and disappeared by the dictatorial regime in The editors of the New York Times defended Henry Kissinger, arguing that he should be given a pass for his role in Condor and other dirty works because "the world was polarised, and fighting communism involved hard choices and messy compromises".
French journalist Marie-Monique Robin found in the archives of the Quai d'Orsay , the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs , the original document proving that a agreement between Paris and Buenos Aires set up a "permanent French military mission" of officers to Argentina who had fought in the Algerian War.
During the Battle of Algiers , police forces were put under the authority of the French Army, and in particular of the paratroopers.
They systematically used torture during interrogations and also began to "disappear" suspects, as part of a program of intimidation. Reynaldo Bignone , named President of the Argentinian junta in July , said, "The March order of battle is a copy of the Algerian battle.
The only newspaper to report this was Le Monde. The government's report in December was described by Robin as being in the utmost bad faith.
It claimed that no agreement had ever been signed on this issue between France and Argentina. When French Minister of Foreign Affairs Dominique de Villepin traveled to Chile in February , he claimed that there had been no cooperation between France and the military regimes.
Robin said that she was shocked to learn that the French intelligence agency Direction de surveillance du territoire DST communicated to the DINA the names of refugees who returned to Chile Operation Retorno , all of whom were killed.
I was very shocked by the duplicity of the French diplomatic position which, at the same time received political refugees with open arms, and collaborated with the dictatorships.
Robin says that this Catholic fundamentalist current in the Argentine Army contributed to the importance and duration of Franco-Argentine cooperation.
Pius X in He was excommunicated in A French priest there said to Marie-Monique Robin: "to save the soul of a Communist priest, one must kill him.
Bruno Genta and Juan Carlos Goyeneche represent this ideology. Perseval, who lives today in Thailand, denied any links with the abduction.
As showed in a newly declassified CIA document,  in intelligence agencies from Britain, France and West Germany looked into using the tactics employed in Operation Condor against leftwing "subversives" in their own countries.
The agencies sent representatives to the Condor organisation secretariat in Buenos Aires in September in order to discuss how to establish an "anti-subversion organization similar to Condor" in which the agencies would pool their resources into a single organisation.
The intention was for the agencies to act in a coordinated fashion against subversives within member countries in Europe.
The Trial of the Juntas convicted top officers who ran the military governments for acts of state terrorism. The amnesty laws Ley de Obediencia Debida and Ley de Punto Final of — stopped the trials until , when the Congress repealed them, and in the Argentine Supreme Court ruled they were unconstitutional.
Most of the Junta's members are actually in prison for genocide and crimes against humanity. Former military officers from Argentina and Uruguay went on trial in in Buenos Aires for their human rights abuses in Operation Condor.
The cross-border conspiracy of dictatorships in the s and s to "eradicate 'subversion,' a word which increasingly translated into non-violent dissent from the left and center left.
Iturriaga was also wanted in Argentina for the assassination of General Prats. It is sad to say that two of the pillars of the Condor Operation, Alfredo Stroessner and Augusto Pinochet, never paid for their crimes and died without ever answering charges about the "disappeared" — who continue to haunt the memory of people who had been crushed by fascist brutality.
In , Bordaberry was convicted of violating the constitution, nine counts of "forced disappearance" and two counts of political homicide and sentenced to 30 years.
Prominent Uruguayan victims of Operation Condor included two former legislators. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
For other uses, see Operation Condor disambiguation. US-backed campaign of political repression in South America.
Background histories. Government leaders. Targeted militias. Principal operatives. Organizations responsible. Full stop law Due obedience law.
Archives and reports. Main article: Archives of Terror. Main article: Dirty War. Pour la journaliste Marie-Monique Robin , Kissinger savait et n'a rien fait [ 20 ].
Pour les historiens Peter Kornbluh et J. Ils ont transmis ensuite les informations recueillies lors de l'interrogatoire aux services chiliens [ 16 ].
This entry is from Wikipedia, the leading user-contributed encyclopedia. It may not have been reviewed by professional editors see full disclaimer.
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